1640
ERA II — Colonial America (1600–1776)
ContributionSecular & Political

They Claimed The Law

Even as colonial legislatures constructed a legal architecture designed to reduce African people to property, enslaved and free Black people turned to the same legal system as a tool of survival and resistance. Through freedom petitions, baptism claims, contract disputes, and the exploitation of procedural gaps in early slave law, they demonstrated that the law — however hostile — was also a terrain of contest. Their legal actions forced courts, churches, and colonial assemblies to acknowledge, however reluctantly, that Black people understood the law and intended to use it.

North Carolina colonial records document free Black landowners and court participants earlier than many neighboring colonies. The Cape Fear region — future Cumberland County — was shaped by the intersection of Tuscarora displacement, Barbadian planter settlement, and a piedmont Quaker presence that maintained recognition of Black legal standing. Freedom petitions, baptismal records, and property documentation from colonial NC establish that Black people in this region engaged the legal system actively from the earliest period of settlement.

The Law as a Weapon Turned Both Ways — The slave codes of colonial America were designed as a legal wall — a systematic enclosure of Black life inside a framework of permanent, heritable bondage. But walls have gaps, and gaps can be exploited by those determined enough to find them. From the earliest decades of colonial settlement, enslaved and free Black people demonstrated a sophisticated understanding of legal process and used it wherever an opening existed. They did not wait for the law to become just. They used it as it was, imperfectly and at great personal risk, to carve out space for themselves and their families.

The earliest legal contests arose from the ambiguity of colonial law itself. In the decades before slave codes fully crystallized — roughly 1619 through the 1660s — the legal status of Africans in the colonies was not yet fixed by statute. Some Africans who arrived in Virginia in the early seventeenth century successfully completed terms of indenture and gained freedom, land, and the right to hold servants themselves. Anthony Johnson, who arrived in Virginia around 1621, became a free landowner and successfully prosecuted a case before the Northampton County Court in 1655 to recover an enslaved man he claimed as his own. Johnson used the colonial legal system on its own terms — and won. His case is not a simple triumph; it reveals the brutal complexity of a world in which Black freedom and Black participation in bondage existed simultaneously. But it establishes the foundational pattern: African people in colonial America engaged the law actively, not passively.

Baptism, Contract, and the Freedom Petition — As slave codes hardened through the late seventeenth century, the legal strategies available to Black people narrowed — but did not close entirely. Baptism became an early legal argument. In the first decades of colonial settlement, English common law tradition held some ambiguity about whether a Christian could be held as a slave. Enslaved people throughout the colonies pressed this claim — arguing that their baptism entitled them to freedom or at minimum to different treatment. Colonial legislatures moved quickly to close this door: Virginia in 1667 declared explicitly that baptism did not alter the condition of slavery. Maryland, North Carolina, and other colonies followed. The legislative response itself documents the scale of the legal pressure Black people were applying. Assemblies do not pass laws to close arguments that no one is making.

Freedom suits — formal legal petitions for liberty filed before colonial courts — became one of the most sustained forms of legal resistance in colonial America. These suits argued from contract, from Page 1 Two Americas · twoamericas.us · Entry 8B — They Claimed the Law · ERA II · Contributionprior freedom status, from Indigenous ancestry (which in some colonies exempted a person from slave status), from descent through a free mother, or from the terms of a will. They were difficult, dangerous, and often unsuccessful. Courts were dominated by the same planter class that wrote the slave codes. But they were not always unsuccessful. Records from Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas document cases in which enslaved individuals won their freedom through legal argument — establishing precedents that subsequent petitioners would attempt to invoke.

Church Records as Legal Evidence — The institutional church — particularly the Anglican church and later Quaker meetings — became an unexpected site of legal documentation for Black people. Baptismal records, marriage registrations, and burial entries created paper evidence of existence, identity, and sometimes status. Enslaved people understood that documentation was a form of protection. A baptismal record that named a person, recorded their parentage, and noted their date of entry into the church was also a record that could be produced before a court. Black people actively sought this documentation not only for spiritual reasons but for the legal standing it could provide.

Quaker communities in particular created spaces where free Black people could testify, petition, and place their grievances on record. While Quaker communities did not uniformly oppose slavery in this period, they maintained record-keeping practices that recognized Black people as persons with legal standing — a status the slave codes worked systematically to deny.

The Pattern That Persists — The legal strategies developed in the colonial period established a pattern that would define Black legal engagement for centuries. The tools changed — freedom suits in colonial courts became civil rights litigation in federal courts — but the underlying logic remained constant: the law is a system, systems have rules, and rules can sometimes be turned against the intentions of those who wrote them. The slave codes were designed to make Black people legally invisible. The freedom petitioners, baptism claimants, and contract arguers of colonial America refused that invisibility. They claimed the law as their terrain, even when it was also their cage.

Sources & Citations

1. T. H. Breen and Stephen Innes, Myne Owne Ground: Race and Freedom on Virginia's Eastern Shore, 1640–1676 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980). reputable
2. Warren M. Billings, "The Cases of Fernando and Elizabeth Key: A Note on the Status of Blacks in Seventeenth-Century Virginia," William and Mary Quarterly 30, no. 3 (1973): 467–474. primary
3. Kathleen M. Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996). reputable
4. Marvin L. Michael Kay and Lorin Lee Cary, Slavery in North Carolina, 1748–1775 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995). reputable
5. Berlin, Ira. Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 199 reputable
← The Middle Passage — The Crossing
Return to Timeline
They Were Not Numbers — The Archive That Names Them →